Afghanistan at the General Assembly in 2021
Posted: Mon Feb 17, 2025 8:41 am
Other post-1990 credentials disputes
On occasions in the last three decades, the General Assembly has accepted the credentials of deposed democratically-elected governments. Following military coups in Liberia (1990), Haiti (1991) and Sierra Leone (1996), the military juntas never submitted credentials, and the Credentials Committee continued to recognise the credentials of the deposed governments (see the 1990, 1991 and 1996 reports of the Credentials Committee). Conversely, following the military coup in Guinea and the unconstitutional usurpation of power in Madagascar, both in 2009, the newly incumbent (unconstitutional) governments did submit credentials, and the deposed governments did not. In both cases, the Credentials Committee declined to accept the credentials submitted, on the understanding that the previously-credentialled representatives would retain the right to participate in the Assembly’s work.
In the rare situations in which the Credentials Committee has received competing credentials claims, it has either deferred its decision, or accepted one set of credentials in preference to the other. Following Hun Sen’s coup in Cambodia in 1997, the Credentials Committee – faced with competing claims from King Sihanouk and Prince Ranariddh – deferred its decision, on the understanding that ‘no one would occupy’ Cambodia’s seat for the time being. In relation to Libya in 2011, faced with competing claims from Gaddafi and the nascent National Transitional Council, the Committee decided to accept the credentials of the latter.
It remains to be seen whether the Taliban and/or remnants of Ashraf Ghani’s government will submit credentials to the UN Secretariat in September. What we do know, though, is that the circumstances facing the overseas chinese in europe data credentials committee are not exactly as they were in 1996.
Following their assumption of power in 1996, one of the Taliban’s first acts was to drag former president Najibullah out of the UN compound and hang him in the street. They banned music and television, closed girls’ schools, banned women from working, stoned women for adultery, staged mass executions, and provided sanctuary to Al-Qaeda. The Taliban controlled most of the country, but the combined forces of Ahmed Shah Masood, Rabbani’s military commander, and General Abdul Rashid Dostam (the Northern Alliance) controlled some of the north-eastern provinces. Rabbani fled Kabul, but remained in the country, and continued to claim to represent the Afghan Government. In short, the Taliban ruled, but did not appear very serious about international recognition, and the civil conflict persisted, and there was a rival government with a claim to power.
Now, however, as Tess Bridgeman and Ryan Goodman wrote recently, ‘what is clear is that elected President of Afghanistan Ashraf Ghani … is not claiming he is still in charge’. Indeed, Ghani has seemingly recognised the Taliban as the new rulers of Afghanistan, saying they have ‘won victory’. The Taliban, for its part, has said it will form an ‘open, inclusive and Islamic government’. However horrified we may be by this turn of events, and for all the rightful scepticism regarding the Taliban’s claims to inclusivity and human rights (and, abundant evidence to the contrary), it does appear that on this occasion the Taliban are seeking international recognition, and there is a question regarding the availability of an alternative.
On occasions in the last three decades, the General Assembly has accepted the credentials of deposed democratically-elected governments. Following military coups in Liberia (1990), Haiti (1991) and Sierra Leone (1996), the military juntas never submitted credentials, and the Credentials Committee continued to recognise the credentials of the deposed governments (see the 1990, 1991 and 1996 reports of the Credentials Committee). Conversely, following the military coup in Guinea and the unconstitutional usurpation of power in Madagascar, both in 2009, the newly incumbent (unconstitutional) governments did submit credentials, and the deposed governments did not. In both cases, the Credentials Committee declined to accept the credentials submitted, on the understanding that the previously-credentialled representatives would retain the right to participate in the Assembly’s work.
In the rare situations in which the Credentials Committee has received competing credentials claims, it has either deferred its decision, or accepted one set of credentials in preference to the other. Following Hun Sen’s coup in Cambodia in 1997, the Credentials Committee – faced with competing claims from King Sihanouk and Prince Ranariddh – deferred its decision, on the understanding that ‘no one would occupy’ Cambodia’s seat for the time being. In relation to Libya in 2011, faced with competing claims from Gaddafi and the nascent National Transitional Council, the Committee decided to accept the credentials of the latter.
It remains to be seen whether the Taliban and/or remnants of Ashraf Ghani’s government will submit credentials to the UN Secretariat in September. What we do know, though, is that the circumstances facing the overseas chinese in europe data credentials committee are not exactly as they were in 1996.
Following their assumption of power in 1996, one of the Taliban’s first acts was to drag former president Najibullah out of the UN compound and hang him in the street. They banned music and television, closed girls’ schools, banned women from working, stoned women for adultery, staged mass executions, and provided sanctuary to Al-Qaeda. The Taliban controlled most of the country, but the combined forces of Ahmed Shah Masood, Rabbani’s military commander, and General Abdul Rashid Dostam (the Northern Alliance) controlled some of the north-eastern provinces. Rabbani fled Kabul, but remained in the country, and continued to claim to represent the Afghan Government. In short, the Taliban ruled, but did not appear very serious about international recognition, and the civil conflict persisted, and there was a rival government with a claim to power.
Now, however, as Tess Bridgeman and Ryan Goodman wrote recently, ‘what is clear is that elected President of Afghanistan Ashraf Ghani … is not claiming he is still in charge’. Indeed, Ghani has seemingly recognised the Taliban as the new rulers of Afghanistan, saying they have ‘won victory’. The Taliban, for its part, has said it will form an ‘open, inclusive and Islamic government’. However horrified we may be by this turn of events, and for all the rightful scepticism regarding the Taliban’s claims to inclusivity and human rights (and, abundant evidence to the contrary), it does appear that on this occasion the Taliban are seeking international recognition, and there is a question regarding the availability of an alternative.